Rape - INFORMATIVE

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Rape - INFORMATIVE


Rape is the act of forcing penetrative sexual acts, against his or her will through violence, force, threat of injury, or other duress, or where the victim is unable to decline, due to the effects of drugs or alcohol. Rape is considered one of the most serious sex crimes in general.

The related term statutory rape is where a sexual act is automatically considered rape by the law, regardless of whether it was coercive or consensual. Such laws are common. They exist in order to prevent adults from having sex with minors, who are more easily influenced and therefore are protected by being automatically deemed unable to give legally effective informed consent. Forcible or non-consensual acts that do not meet the criterion for rape in a jurisdiction (in most cases because they are not penetrative) are often called sexual assault instead.

The word originates from the Latin verb rapere: to seize or take by force. The Latin term for the act of rape itself is raptus. The term is sometimes used by analogy to refer to any act of serious violation of the person, and in a non-sexual sense referring to acts of invasive destructiveness.

Rape is, in most jurisdictions, a crime defined as sexual intercourse or penetration without valid consent by both parties. In some jurisdictions, rape is defined by penetration of the anus or the vagina by a penis, while in other jurisdictions, the penetration of either the vagina or the anus need not be by a penis, but can be by other objects such as a finger or a hand-held object, or the forcing of a penis into a vagina by a female (male rape). Some jurisdictions expand the definition of rape further to include other sexual acts without valid consent, including oral copulation and masturbation. The lack of valid consent does not necessarily mean that the victim explicitly refused to give consent; generally, where consent was obtained by physical force, threat of injury, or other duress, or where consent was given by a person whose age was below the age of consent, a person who was intoxicated by drugs or alcohol, or a person who was mentally impaired by illness or developmental disability, the consent is considered invalid. (When the sexual activity involved a person whose age was below the age of consent, the crime defined is often known as "statutory rape," although a number of U.S. jurisdictions use terms such as "unlawful sexual intercourse" to avoid the forcible connotation of the word "rape.") In addition to common forms of physical rape, there are also other phenomenon that can be classified as rape despite a lack of physical abuse.

Rape and human rights
Probably for much of human history, rape, violence, and war have often occurred in connection with one another. In the twentieth century, the use of rape as a "weapon of war" has been well documented and addressed by NGOs as well as the United Nations [1] and national governments. If the victim is under 18 the rapist may be charged with child abuse.

Sociobiological analysis of rape
Some animals appear to exhibit behaviors that resemble rape in humans, in particular combining sexual intercourse with violent assault, such as are observed in ducks, geese, and certain species of dolphins. It is difficult to determine to what extent the idea of rape can be extended to intercourse in animal species, as the defining attribute of rape in humans is the lack of informed consent, which is difficult to determine in animals. See also: Non-human animal sexuality.

Some sociobiologists argue that our ability to understand rape, and thereby prevent and treat it, is severely compromised because its basis in human evolution has been ignored. They argue that rape, as a reproductive strategy, is encountered in many instances in the animal kingdom, including among the great apes, and presumably also among early humans. Some studies indicate that it is an evolutionary strategy for certain males who lack the ability to persuade the female by non-violent means to pass on their genes. (Thornhill & Thornhill, 1983). Such sociobiological theories, regarding rape as adaptive, are highly controversial, and are not accepted by all mainstream scientists.

Camille Paglia and some sociobiologists have argued that victim-blaming should not be totally dismissed in all cases, because some sociological models suggest that it may be genetically-inbuilt for a certain proportion of men and women to act in ways that would tend to raise the chances of rape occurring, and that this may be a biological feature of the species. This, however, is a very controversial view. A contrasting view, given by Lewis Thomas in his "The Lives of a Cell: Notes of a biology watcher", rebuts claims that rape is of evolutionary benefit, arguing instead that it is strongly maladaptive, and therefore selected against. Others dismiss Lewis Thomas' conclusion, by pointing out that what is maladaptive in one place and time, may be adaptive in another place and time. For example, in certain animal groups females only voluntarily mate with alpha males. In such an environment, non-alpha males are able to pass on their genes by impregnating females without their consent. Clearly, in animals with this behavior, the genes of non-alpha males who don't participate in this strategy are lost forever, while the genes of non-alpha males who do participate in this strategy are passed on.

 

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Causes of rape

As of 2006, there is no scientific theory that explains all forms of male-female rape or female-male rape, much less the other types of rape studied in this article. Given the many complex forms and modalities of rape, more than one empirical theory may be needed to explain all the causes of rape.

In addition, there are pervasive double standards and widespread social and political biases against even doing research into male-male and female-female rape in US university settings (Anderson et al 1998). Finally, there are significant socio-political taboos that interfere with research of the perpetrators themselves (Prior, 1996).

Causes of rape
A number of correlations have been found between rape and other contributing factors that, while not in and of themselves direct causes of rape, might point to possible causes. According to the CDC there are certain vulnerability factors seen in high risk-victim groups. Rape victim vulnerabilities include prior sexual abuse as a minor or an adult, being female, being under the age of 18, being Native American and alcohol or drug use. Being the victim of child sexual abuse doubles the likelihood of adult sexual victimization (Parillo et. al., 2003), (Sarkar, N.; Sarkar, R. 2005). There are also certain characteristics common to high-risk (male) perpetrators of child sex abuse such as themselves being victims of child sexual abuse, the repeated violation of their interpersonal boundaries as children, and unresolved crises in adulthood (Pryor, 1996). One study of (male) serial rapists found that over 60 percent of them had themselves been sexually abused by adult females before the age of 10-12(?) (Lamb 1999 (pull in researcher)). These correlations, by themselves, mean nothing, but could provide possible paths for further rape research to those researchers searching for universal explanations for the causes of rape.

Researcher Lee Ellis listed three theories about why males rape females and analysed their associated hypotheses against the evidence. In his Theories of Rape, he named the then (1989) known theories for the causes of male-female rape as:

- The Feminist theory which can be succinctly stated by Susan Brownmiller's famous statement: "rape is nothing more or less than a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear (emphasis in original)". The feminist theory of rape asserts that what feminists see as male domination of female socio-political and economic domains is the ultimate cause of (male-female) rape. Feminist theory considers (male-female) rape a crime of power that has little or nothing to do with sex itself. Feminist theory has little or nothing to say about male-male, female-male and female-female forms of rape. In addition, Ellis notes that "support for the feminist theory of rape and support for the so-called feminist movement", while possibly related, should not be equated as there is a difference between "the merits of a scientific theory" and "support for a social movement" Warren Farrell took issue with the feminist idea that rape has nothing to do with sex by noting that (male-female) rape statistics show young and sexually attractive females are raped far more often than older, less sexually attractive females.

- The Social Learning theory is so similar to the feminist theory that they have "at times been virtually equated" according to Ellis. However, unlike feminist theory which focuses on female socio-political exploitation as the core cause of (male-female) rape, the Social Learning theory sees cultural traditions such as imitation (or modeling), sex-violence linkages, rape myths (eg. "Women secretly desire to be raped"), and desensitization effects (caused, for example, by repeated exposure to mass media rape scenes) as the core causes of rape. Ellis states that "Overall, the social learning theory may be best considered a rather complex blend of Bandura's influental theory of instrumental aggression and the feminist theory of rape". Here again, the focus is on male-female rape with no explanations offered for male-male or female-perpetrated forms of rape.

- The Evolutionary theory sees (male) propensity to rape (females) as being based on natural selection as an evolved reponse to better transmit the male (rapists') genes to future generations. For example, Ellis states that the "world record for the number of offspring fathered by a human male is 888, whereas 69 offspring is the most ever borne by a one human female." These sex disparities mean that those males who can inseminate the largest number of females by "whatever methods necessary (including force)" might win in the contest to pass down their genes. However, once again this theory fails to explain male-male, female-male and female-female rape. In fact, the occurrence of male-male and female-female rape, where genes cannot be passed down at all, would seem to contradict the evolutionary theory of rape, however critisim of this theory overlooks the fact that homosexuality it not an evolutionary development and has no advantage in natural selection, therefore the evolution of rape as a heterosexual system can be considered separately from any transposition into homosexuals.

Each of the above theories presumes there is just one reason for rape, or at most a few. Those who profile rapists say there are many types of rapists both male and female and many motivations.

The "power-assertive" rapist rapes because he is prone to physical aggression and wants to be able to dominate his/her partner during sex like an alpha-male or alpha-female. The "power-reassurance" rapist rapes because he is socially-deficient and unable to develop romantic or even interpersonal relationships with females. This "gentleman/lady rapist" often attempts to treat his victim like a partner in a relationship. The "anger-retaliatory" rapist rapes because he/she hates women or men, has a problem with impulse control and a problem with anger management. His/her judgment is often clouded by substance abuse.

Possible conditions which may effect a male or female rapist

Both males and females commit rape. These conditions are non-sexist.

- have emotional need to feel and act powerful/dominant during sex.
- crave sadistic sex.
- crave attention (See interviews of female rapists on Oprah)
- feel unloved
- take revenge against a husband or wife by raping a son or daughter
- are pedophiles.
- are flooded with hormones, and are overwhelmed with sexual desire. These rapists are typically teenagers who engage in acquaintance rape or date rape.
are sociopaths which find a "crime of opportunity," meaning a victim in a situation where chances of getting caught are slim, and/or the consequences slight.
- are attempting to resolve inner conflicts with female or male archetypes
- themselves were raped or sexually abused.
- feel sexually inadequate.

The desire for a certain kind of sex can in some individuals can rise to the level of a compulsion. Just like some people can't stop washing their hands, some people can't stop themselves from some type of sexual activity, even if that activity is illegal, hurts others, and is self-destructive. For example, society recognizes that some pedophiles are incapable of stopping themselves. This is society's rationale for keeping them confined even after they serve their time in prison.

This mathematical equation sounds like tautology: "degree of craving" + "degree of physical aggressiveness" divided by ( "respect for the law" + "moral character" + "impulse control" + "risk of capture" + "severity of punishment" ) = "propensity to rape." This states if someone has a strong craving for rape, is physically aggressive, has little respect for the law, has low moral character, low impulse control, and if the risk of getting capture slight, and the punishment for rape light, this person will likely have a greater propensity to rape and vice versa.

In 2005, a mixed-sex group of Canadian research psychologists published The Causes of Rape, a wide ranging scientific study of male-female rape causality along with research on forced copulation in animals. They did no research on the causes of male-male, female-male, and female-female rape. However, they did note that "Few topics have generated more heated debate in the social science literature." than investigating the propensity of males to rape females. They note that "Not all men are inclined to rape" and ask "What is it about the characteristics of some men, and the interaction of these characterisitics with certain contexts, that increases the likelihood of rape?". They go on to pose three possible groups of (male-female) rape causes with a fourth possible grouping of less common causes as follows:

- The Young Male/Female Syndrome posits that rape is the result of the exposure to intense competition among adolescent males and females and young men and women. Rape is sometimes a result of this 'adolescent-limited' antisociality as young men engage in risky activities, antisocial behavior, and high mating effort. They state that "the rape behavior of 'adolescent-limited rapists is expected to be impulsive, instrumental, and exploitive", and one that abates with age. Association with anti-social peers and especially with anti-social peers who are hostile to women is one of the best predictors of (young male) rape (of females) since "competition with peers is the driving force behind young male or female syndrome.

- Competitive Disadvantage is the idea that rape is a conditioned response to competitive disadvantages such as learning disabilities, low IQ, brain damage, abuse, neglect, or extreme neighbourhood conditions. The knowledge of these competitive disadvantages can cause such men to choose "shorter term, more anti-social tactics throughout (a probably short) life. Here, rape is considered a conditioned "consequence" of the awareness (usually early in life) that one will otherwise be unable to have sex with a woman.

- Competitive Disadvantage is the idea that rape is a conditioned response to competitive disadvantages such as learning disabilities, low IQ, brain damage, abuse, neglect, or extreme neighbourhood conditions. The knowledge of these competitive disadvantages can cause such men to choose "shorter term, more anti-social tactics throughout (a probably short) life. Here, rape is considered a conditioned "consequence" of the awareness (usually early in life) that one will otherwise be unable to have sex with a woman.

- Psychopathy: A small group of men or women (perhaps much less than 5% of the male population) seem to choose pyschopathology as a 'morph'. Men or Women from this group are the most dangerous of all rapists with lifetime patterns of aggression, dishonesty, extreme selfishness, high mating effort, callousness and interpersonal exploitation. However, they exhibit no brain defects and have histories that are "all consistent with a reproductively viable life strategy."

- Others (such as the competively over-advantaged, the non-antisocial spouse, etc) Some men who might be considered competitively overadvantaged such as world leaders, sports stars and business tycoons also rape women. Otherwise pro-social men or women also rape their own wives or husbands. The authors speculate that some men might switch to "high mating effort" and "short-term mating strategies" when the "perceived costs are low" or when the "reproductive interests of women are devalued".

Multiple re-victimization of rape victims
The risk of sexual revictimization, according to the CDC, is based on vulnerability factors. One of these is the pre-existence of PTSD from a previous assault. Being the victim of child sexual abuse doubles the likelihood of adult sexual victimization (Parillo et. al., 2003) (Sarkar, N.; Sarkar, R., 2005). PTSD levels are actually higher in those who have been previously victimized than in survivors of only one assault (Follette et. al., 1996). PTSD could give the victim the appearance of vulnerability in dangerous situations and affect the ability of the victim to defend themselves.

One study found that of the 433 sexually assaulted respondents, two-thirds reported more than one incident (Sorenson et. al., 1991). Two further studies also found that women who were victimized more than once or in both childhood and adolescence had a higher risk for adult revictimization and more PTSD (Siegel & Williams, 2001), (Breslau et. al., 1999). Intervention such as counseling for mental health issues (like PTSD) and for possible addictions related to the abuse can help women with child sexual abuse histories overcome some of the abuse-related sequelae that make them vulnerable to adult revictimization (Parillo et. al., 2003). Other factors influencing recovery are emotional support from friends, relations, social and community supports (Sarkar, N.; Sarkar, R., 2005). Further research needs to be done on male-male, male-female and female-female victimization.

According to rape researchers, the prevention of rape is likely to be successful to the extent that the causes are known. They also note that few topics generate as much heated speculation with so little empirical knowledge than research on the causes of rape. However, empirical research is beginning to replace political rhetoric with peer-reviewed science. As of 2006, there is no scientific theory that explains all forms of male-female rape, much less the other types of rape including female-male rape, studied in this article. Given the many complex forms and modalities of rape, more than one empirical theory may be needed to explain all the causes of rape. In addition, there are pervasive double standards and widespread social and political biases against even doing research into male-male, female-male, and female-female rape in US university settings (Anderson et al 1998). Finally, there are significant socio-political prohibitions that interfere with research of the perpetrators themselves (Prior, 1996). The presence of all these prejudices, omissions and obstacles vis a vis objective scientific investigation tends to make recent rape research quite questionable at best and absurd at worst.

 

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Types of rape

Rape of children by parents, elder relatives, and other responsible elders
This form of rape is incest when committed by the teen's parents or close relatives such as grandparents, aunts and uncles. It is considered incestuous in nature but not in form when committed by other elders, such as priests, nuns or other religious authorities, school teachers, or therapists, to name a few, on whom the child is dependent. Psychologists estimate that 40 million adults, 15 million of those being men (Adams 1991), in the United States were sexually abused in childhood often by parents, close relatives and other elders — of both genders — on whom they were dependent.

Children, including but not limited to adolescents, raped by their parents and other close elders are often called 'secret survivors' by psychologists, as they often are unable or unwilling to tell anyone about these rapes due to implicit or explicit threats by the adult rapist, fear of abandonment by the rapist, and/or overwhelming shame. Since the signs of these insidious rapes are usually invisible except to trained professionals these children often suffer ongoing offenses in silence until independence from the adult rapist is attained. By that time, the statute of limitations is often long-expired, the adult victim's repressed memories are often considered inadmissible as evidence and the teen-rapist is able to escape justice. (It should be noted that repressed memories are a hotly debated topic in the psychological community, and many psychologists do not believe in their existence. For more information, see the "repressed memories" article.) In addition, rapists who rape their own children are considered less culpable, legally, than other rapists in most US states.

Statutory rape
National and/or regional governments, citing an interest in protecting "young people" (variously defined but sometimes synonymous with minors), treat any sexual contact with such a person as an offense (not always categorised as "rape"), even if he or she agrees to the sexual activity. The offense is often based on a presumption that people under a certain age do not have the capacity to give informed consent. The age at which individuals are considered competent to give consent is called the age of consent. This varies in different countries and regions, and in the US ranges from 14 to 21. Sex which violates age-of-consent law, but is neither violent nor physically coerced, is sometimes described as "statutory rape", a legally-recognized category in the United States.

Acquaintance ("date") rape
The term, "acquaintance rape" (or "date rape") refers to rape or non-consensual sexual activity between people who are already acquainted, or who know each other socially — friends, acquaintances, people on a date, or even people in an existing romantic relationship — where it is alleged that consent for sexual activity was not given, or was given under duress. The vast majority of rapes are committed by people who already know the victim. [1] Different countries have different rape laws. In many countries it is not possible to commit the crime of rape against one's own wife or husband. If two people are regularly sexually intimate, in many countries it is not a crime for one partner to have sex with their sleeping or drunk partner even though that partner did not give express consent. In fact, rape laws vary greatly from country to country.

Spousal Rape
Also known as marital rape, wife rape, husband rape, partner rape or intimate partner sexual assault (IPSA), is rape between a married or de facto couple.

It is often assumed that spousal rape is less traumatic that from a stranger. Research reveals that victims of marital/partner rape suffer longer lasting trauma than victims of stranger rape[1], possibly because of a lack of social validation that prevents a victim from getting access to support; a problem that Domestic violence services combat.

Gang rape
Group rape (also known as "gang" or "pack" rape) occurs when a group of people participate in the rape of a single victim. 10% to 20% involve more than one attacker. It is far more damaging to the victim, and in some jurisdictions, is punished more severely than rape by a single person. The term "gang bang" was a synonym for gang rape when public discussion of sexual activity in general was taboo; in the advent of the porn industry and relaxed sexual tensions, it is now often used as a slang term for consensual group sex. The term "group rape" is now often preferred to "gang rape", as the word "gang" can have racial connotations when used against minority defendants.

According to sexual crime profiler Roy Hazelwood, gang rape "involves three or more offenders and you always have a leader and a reluctant participant. Those are extremely violent, and what you find is that they're playing for each other's approval. It gets into a pack mentality and can be horrendous."

Male rape
The exact numbers of male victims of rape are not known. Many men find it difficult to come forward after being raped, for fear of humiliation.

Rape as means of warfare
Armies have throughout the ages consisted overwhelmingly of males, and rapes have served a purpose. The rape is used as means of psychological warfare — humiliating the enemy soldiers and undermining their morale as giving them signal of being unable to protect what is valuable to them. The Soldiers also raped the enemy soldiers' sons in front of them to further humiliate the enemy.

Rapes in war are often systematic and thorough, and military leaders may actually encourage the soldiers to ravage the enemy women. Likewise, systematic rapes were also means of war in the Yugoslavian Civil War, where women of opposite nationality were hoarded by Serbian soldiers into camps, and raped on daily basis until pregnancy was result.

German women raped by Soviet soldiers in WWII were invariably denied abortion to further humiliate them as to carry an unwanted child. As result, according the book "Berlin: The Downfall, 1945" by Antony Beevor, some 90% of Berlin women in 1945 had venereal diseases as results of consequential rapes and 3.7% of all children born in Germany 1945-1946 had Russian fathers. The rapes of the German women by the Soviets were a taboo until 1992.

Drug facilitated rape
Various drugs are used by rapists to render their victims unconscious, some also cause memory loss.

 

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Effects of rape and aftermath

The most common long term effects of sexual assault and rape are the invisible ones. The immediate symptoms of rape trauma include unpredictable and intense emotions. The victim may experience an exaggerated startle response (jumpiness), memories and intrusive thoughts about the assault, nightmares, difficulty sleeping, and difficulty concentrating. The long term psychological effects of rape can include PTSD and rape trauma syndrome (RTS), OCD, DID, eating disturbances, self-injury, self-blame, panic attacks, flashbacks, body memories and sleeping disorders. Unfortunately, in many cases, these effects can be life-long if the victim does not get immediate support and care (Medline & RCIP). These symptoms can be exhibited in a way that is either expressive or subdued.

Rape is especially stigmatizing in cultures with strong customs and taboos regarding sex and sexuality. For example, a rape victim (especially a virgin) may be viewed by society as being "damaged". The victim may suffer isolation, be disowned by friends and family, be prohibited from marrying, be divorced (if already married), or even killed (known as secondary victimization). Feelings of self-blame (i.e. personal responsibility for the attack) and feelings of dirtiness are also commonly experienced. (Dearing et. al., 2005) Many violent sexual assaults end with the death or serious injury of the victim. Other physical consequences may include pregnancy or sexually transmitted diseases. Due to the personal nature of sex crimes, psychological effects are commonplace.

In the past, survivors of rape and sexual assault were often diagnosed with Rape Trauma Syndrome (RTS), then considered to be a psychological disorder. RTS is no longer considered a diagnosis, but rather a set of normal psychological and physiological reactions that a victim is likely to experience. The reactions are very similar to those that would be experienced by a survivor of any other traumatizing experience, and sometimes result in a diagnosis of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. These traumatic responses are often cited as one of the reasons why rape goes unreported. (NCPTSD)

The process to denounce and eventually convict an offender is often hindered by similar psychological effects. Victims frequently feel shame when describing what has happened (especially if the victim is male, or if a female victim must report the incident to a male law officer or a male victim to a female law officer). Also, the intimate questions and medical examinations required for prosecution can make the victim uncomfortable. In societies that do not accord equal civil rights to women and men, this process is even more difficult for female victims, but men can feel this way as well. In societies where denial, sexual stereotyping and pervasive double standards exist, victims of male-male, female-male and female-female rape often suffer double victimization when they seek support from legal, medical, and psychological professionals.

Sexual assault of children can lead to the following: life-long depression, D.I.D. (formerly M.P.D.), cutting (self injury), other forms of self-mutilation, Borderline Personality Disorder (BPD), Anti-Social Personality Disorder, Post Traumatic Stress Syndrome (PTSS), flashbacks, psychotic breaks with reality, alcoholism, substance abuse, promiscuity, celibacy, prostitution, an inability to form intimate relationships, self-hate, guilt, anger (which is often directed inwards as well as outwards), general mental deterioration including loss of IQ, emotional hypersensitivity, defensiveness, a lifelong inability to trust others, emotional numbness, an attraction to partners who are dominant and/or abusive. Children with PTSD have been found to have a reduced corpus callosum in the brain. Adult survivors often feel the need to always be in control. Adult survivors are at great risk of further victimization because disproportionately they find themselves falling in love with abusive partners (reinacting the abusive situation in order to overcome it). Adult survivors have a tendency to get involved in toxic, co-dependent relationships. Survivors of childhood rape disproportionately become abusers themselves. Adults previously assaulted as a child are twice as likely to be assaulted as an adult. A significant percentage of those convicted of child abuse were themselves victims of child abuse. (MNCASA) Learning about the health and psychological conditions effecting survivors of assault has been cited by researchers as a positive coping skill associated with faster healing. (Matsushita-Arao, 1997),(Ball, 1982)

Medical emergency information
According to the American College of Emergency Physicians (ACEP) in the United States, rape is a medical emergency [1]. Medical and law enforcement professionals have strongly recommended that a victim call for help and report it. A victim who seeks immediate medical attention, will not only allow prompt treatment for possibly life-threatening injuries and diseases, but will also preserve evidence. Many recommend that victims should not bathe or clean themselves before the examination, not only to prevent the loss of physical evidence, but also to not delay medical attention.

Physical injuries such as gynecologic, rectal or internal hemorrhage may have resulted. Additionally, emergency contraception and preventative treatment against sexually transmitted diseases may be required, in particular prophylactic treatments to prevent HIV infection. In many locations, emergency medical technicians, emergency room nurses and doctors are trained to help rape victims. Some emergency rooms have rape kits which are used to collect evidence.

AIDS prophylaxis is possible within 48 hours, but is not always deemed appropriate, given:

the extremely small chance of transmission in many cases (0.1 - 0.3%, or between 1 in 333 and 1 in 1000);
the lack of certainty of any effective results (it reduces, rather than removes the risk); and
the often severe side effects of drugs required.
This would usually be a clinical decision based upon circumstances.


Victim blaming
"Victim blaming" is holding the victim of a crime to be in whole or in part responsible for what has happened to them. In the context of rape, this concept refers to popular attitudes that certain victim behaviours (such as flirting, or wearing sexually-provocative clothing) may encourage rape. In extreme cases, victims are said to have "asked for it", simply by not behaving demurely. In most Western countries, the defense of provocation is not accepted as a mitigation for rape, although in Sweden this happens almost routinely, and questions about the victim's clothing and behaviour is present in almost all rape trials. This has raised a lot of attention among the public and the press. Despite several changes in the legislation, little has changed, possible due to the impact of the courts' personal opinions and views that have a large effect on the verdict in the Swedish judicial system.

It has been proposed that one cause of victim-blaming is the "just world hypothesis". People who believe that the world has to be fair, may find it hard or impossible to accept a situation in which a person is unfairly and badly hurt for no cause or reason. This leads to a sense that, somehow, the victim must have surely done 'something' to deserve their fate. Another theory entails the need to protect one's own sense of invulnerability. This inspires people to believe that rape only happens to those who deserve or provoke the assault (Schneider et. al., 1994). This is a way of feeling safer. If the potential victim avoids the behaviours of the past victims then they themselves will remain safe and feel less vulnerable. A global survey of attitudes toward sexual violence by the Global Forum for Health Research [3] shows that victim-blaming concepts are at least partially accepted in many countries. In some countries, victim-blaming is more common, and women or men who have been raped are sometimes deemed to have behaved improperly. Often, these are countries where there is a significant social divide between the freedoms and status afforded to men and women.

A more mainstream view is that everybody has the theoretical right to feel safe at all times, but that the responsibility of preventing and minimising the risk of being in a dangerous situation is largely up to the individual. On this basis, the question is not whether the victim "deserved" to be raped, because nobody "deserves" to be the victim of crime, but rather whether the individual did choose to prevent or minimize the risk of being in a dangerous situation and/or the risk of harm in a dangerous situation.

Under cases of alleged date rape, however, the situation is different. Because the question at hand is whether or not the incident was consensual, or whether the alleged victim encouraged the accused or gave implied consent, becomes the critical consideration. As such, arguments about the victim's conduct are an accepted element of an affirmative defense.

In the United States, rape is unique in that it is the only crime in which there are statutory protections designed in favor of the victim (known as "rape shield laws"). These were enacted in response to the common defense tactic of "putting the victim on trial". Typical rape shield laws prohibit cross-examination of the victim with respect to issues, such as his or her prior sexual history, or the manner in which he or she was dressed at the time of the rape. Most states and the federal rules, however, provide exceptions to the rape shield law where evidence of prior sexual history is used to provide an alternative explanation for physical evidence, where the defendant and the victim had a prior consensual sexual relationship, and where exclusion of evidence would violate the defendant's constitutional rights.

Self blame
There are two main types of self blame: undeserved blame based on character and undeserved blame based on actions. These are called Characterological and Behavioral.

Behavioral self blame refers to victims feeling that they should have done something differently (therefore they feel it is their fault).

Characterological self blame is when victims feel there is something inherently wrong with them (causing them to deserve to be assaulted). This type of blame is associated with more psychological negative effects.

Self blame is an avoidance coping skill which inhibits the healing process. The type of thought involved in self blame of victims is illogical thinking (known as counterfactual thinking) which can be remedied by a therapeutic technique known as cognitive restructuring. The main problem for victims is that feeling shame (stigma with the self) produces more psychological problems than feeling guilt (actions). It's easier to change an action than the self. Guilt promotes resolving action and shame promotes pulling away or wanting to be invisible. Withdrawing prevents the victim from seeking help and reporting. Feeling that you had control during the assault (past control or behavioral self blame) is associated with more psychological distress while believing you have more control now (present control or control over the recovery process) is associated with less distress, less withdrawal and more cognitive reprocessing. (Frazier et. al., 2005)

The leading researcher on shame, Tangney, lists five ways shame can be destructive: lack of motivation to seek care; lack of empathy; cutting themselves off from other people; anger; and aggression. Tangney says shame has a special link to anger. "In day-to-day life, when people are shamed and angry they tend to be motivated to get back at a person and get revenge,". In addition shame is connected to psychological problems- such as eating disorders, substance abuse, anxiety, depression, and other mental disorders as well as problematic moral behavior. In one study over several years shame-prone kids were prone to substance abuse, earlier sexual activity, less safe sexual activity, and involvement with the criminal justice system. (Tangney, 2002)

Counseling responses found helpful in reducing self blame are supportive responses, psychoeducational responses (learning about rape trauma syndrome) and those responses addressing the issue of blame. (Matsushita-Arao, 1997 ) A helpful type of therapy for self blame is cognitive restructuring or cognitive-behavioral therapy. Cognitive reprocessing is the process of taking the facts and forming a logical conclusion from them that is less influenced by shame or guilt. (Branscombe et. al., 2003).

Multiple re-victimization of rape victims
The risk of sexual revictimization, according to the CDC, is based on vulnerability factors. One of these is the pre-existence of PTSD from a previous assault. Being the victim of child sexual abuse doubles the likelihood of adult sexual victimization (Parillo et. al., 2003) (Sarkar, N.; Sarkar, R., 2005). PTSD levels are actually higher in those who have been previously victimized than in survivors of only one assault (Follette et. al., 1996). PTSD could give the victim the appearance of vulnerability in dangerous situations and affect the ability of the victim to defend themselves.

One study found that of the 433 sexually assaulted respondents, two-thirds reported more than one incident (Sorenson et. al., 1991). Two further studies also found that women or men who were victimized more than once or in both childhood and adolescence had a higher risk for adult revictimization and more PTSD (Siegel & Williams, 2001), (Breslau et. al., 1999). Intervention such as counseling for mental health issues (like PTSD) and for possible addictions related to the abuse can help women with child sexual abuse histories overcome some of the abuse-related sequelae that make them vulnerable to adult revictimization (Parillo et. al., 2003). Other factors influencing recovery are emotional support from friends, relations, social and community supports (Sarkar, N.; Sarkar, R., 2005). Further research needs to be done on male-male, female-male and female-female victimization.

 

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Rape and punishment

Punishment of assailants
Most societies consider rape to be a grave offense, and punish it accordingly. Punishment for rape in most countries today is imprisonment, but until the late twentieth century, some states of the U.S., for instance, could apply the death penalty in cases of aggravated rape, (Louisiana for example) indicating the severity with which the crime was viewed (the death penalty is still in use in countries with a significant social divide between the freedoms and status afforded to men and women). Castration is sometimes a punishment for rape and, controversially, some U.S. jurisdictions allow shorter sentences for sex criminals who agree to voluntary "chemical castration."

In the Southern states of the U.S., the charge of rape was often used to justify vigilante groups ("lynch mobs") that would seize and kill men accused of rape, without due process or trial. Victims of lynching were typically, though not always, African American. (One historic exception was the lynching of Leo Frank, a Jewish American.) Members of the lynch mobs were rarely prosecuted or punished for these mob killings.

In some such communities, any sexual interaction between an African-American male and a White (Caucasian) female was viewed as rape, which resulted in a large number of (presumably) innocent men, being murdered. This resulted from the fact that it was commonly believed that no White female would ever consent to sexual relations with a Black man. Rape of Black women by White men was a practice largely ignored or simply tolerated for many years, and local governments rarely punished such rapists in these cases.

Prison sentences for rape are not uniform. A study made by the U.S. Department of Justice of prison releases in 1992, involving about 80 percent of the prison population, found that the average sentence for convicted rapists was 9.8 years, while the actual time served was 5.4 years. This follows the typical pattern for violent crimes in the US, where those convicted typically serve no more than half of their sentences. Between 2002 and 2003, more than one in ten convicted rapists in Australia served a wholly suspended sentence, and the average total effective sentence for rape was seven years.

Punishment of victims
While the practice is condemned as barbaric by many present-day societies, some societies punish the victims of rape as well as the perpetrators. According to such cultures, being raped dishonors the victim and, in many cases, the victim's family. In some cultures rape victims are sometimes killed to restore honor to the family's name.

In the Shakespeare drama Titus Andronicus, Titus Andronicus kills his raped, maimed daughter in what he believes to be a mercy killing.

Rape and cultural views
Certain cultures, often patriarchal, have historically promoted a system of honor, dishonor and shame, which was applied with particular strictness to females. A victim of rape would be considered to have lost her honorable reputation and place in society, a loss of honor which entailed shame on the woman's family group as well. In early ancient Rome, ancient China, and other cultures, a pressure has existed which has led women to commit suicide after becoming victims of rape. The iconic Roman instance is that of Lucretia. Likewise, suicide of female rape victims for reasons of shame is also historically documented in Chinese and Japanese culture.

Rape as punishment
Though modern societies claim to recognize the practice as barbaric, rape itself is sometimes used as a form of punishment. The victim of the rape is commonly a female relative of the person targeted for retaliation. In June 2002, a Pakistani woman named Mukhtaran Bibi was gang-raped by a vigilante mob after her brother was (falsely) accused of rape himself. The Pakistani government, along with local religious officials, condemned this action and sentenced the rapists to death.

In some dictatorships, rape is, or was, used as a method to retaliate against, or to intimidate their political enemies. There are numerous allegations that this took place under the former regime of Iraqi dictator, Saddam Hussein. In the Abu Ghraib prison, US soldiers were using similar sexual intimidation and the threat of rape as a means of psychological torture to frighten their mostly male and Muslim prisoners. After the media exposed this in its coverage of the Abu Gharib Scandal, The US government tried several junior personnel involved.

There is suspicion that some rape incidents in prisons are permitted through timely guard absences (at showers, for instance). Motivations for this range from punishing troublesome prisoners to providing a deterrent to those considering a criminal act, particularly among those who have little to lose from incarceration (e.g. homeless persons in winter).

 

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Rape reporting


Underreporting
According to the 1999 United States National Crime Victimization Survey, only 39% of rapes and sexual assaults were reported to law enforcement officials. For male rape, less than 10% are believed to be reported. The most common reasons given by victims for not reporting rapes are the belief that it is a personal or private matter, and that they fear reprisal from the assailant. Fisher found that:

"... many women or men do not characterize their sexual victimizations as a crime for a number of reasons (such as embarrassment, not clearly understanding the legal definition of rape, or not wanting to define someone they know who victimized them as a 'rapist') or because they blame themselves for their sexual assault."

Rape-related advocacy groups have suggested several tactics to encourage the reporting of sexual assaults, most of which aim at lessening the psychological trauma, often suffered by rape victims following their assault. Many police departments now assign female police officers to deal with female rape cases, and male officers for male rape. Advocacy groups also argue for the preservation of the victim's privacy during the legal process; it is standard practice among mainstream American news media not to divulge the names of alleged rape victims in news reports.

Psychologists who research female-male, and female-female rape suggest that significant under-reporting of these crimes is occurring. They suggest that the double standards in perception that exist between male and female rape, the taboo nature (see incest) of some female rapes, and the lack of rapist-gender reporting in many jurisdictions contribute to this alleged under reporting in the United States. Canadian researcher, Linda Halliday-Sumner suggests from the slowing emerging information about female sex crimes, that women commit about one third (or about 33%) of all sexual offenses. However, she notes that in Canada, just 19 of 4545 (or just 0.4%) of federal prisoners convicted of sex offenses were women in 1997.


Overreporting and false reporting
A 1997 article in the Columbia Journalism Review dealing with the debate surrounding false reporting, noted that wildly different figures, from 2% to 85% of all rape reports, have been presented:

"... one explanation for such a wide range in the statistics might simply be that they come from different studies of different populations... But there's also a strong political tilt to the debate. A low number would undercut a belief about rape as being as old as the story of Joseph and Potiphar's wife: that some women, out of shame or vengeance ... claim that their consensual encounters or rebuffed advances were rapes. If the number is high, on the other hand, advocates for women who have been raped worry it may also taint the credibility of the genuine victims of sexual assault."

In her work, "The Legacy of the Prompt Complaint Requirement, Corroboration Requirement, and Cautionary Instructions on Campus Sexual Assault", Michelle J. Anderson of the Villanova University School of Law states: "As a scientific matter, the frequency of false rape complaints to police or other legal authorities remains unknown" [2]. The FBI's 1996 Uniform Crime Report states that 8% of reports of forcible rape were determined to be unfounded upon investigation [3], but that percentage does not include cases where an accuser fails or refuses to cooperate in an investigation, or drops the charges.

In 1994, Dr. Eugene J. Kanin of Purdue University investigated the incidences, in one small urban community, of false rape allegations made to the police between 1978 and 1987. The falseness of the allegations was not decided by the police, or by Dr. Kanin; they were "... declared false only because the complainant admitted they are false." The number of false rape allegations in the studied period was 45; this was 41% of the 109 total complaints filed in this period. In Dr. Kanin's research, the complainants who made false allegations did so (by their own statements during recantation) for three major reasons:

providing an alibi;
a means of gaining revenge; and/or
a platform for seeking attention/sympathy.
This is not taking into consideration the methodology of the study or how the admissions were extracted.

 

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Domestic violence against men

Domestic violence against men (VAM) is specifically an act of relationship violence against men, perpetrated by a woman in a romantic relationship with the man. The perpetrators of the violence are often the man's wife, girlfriend, or fiancee.

Domestic violence against men, as with domestic violence in general, can take myriad forms from subtle to extreme, and encompasses both physical and non-physical violence. Some of the domestic abuses committed against men include verbal assault, psychological manipulation, emotional abuse, sexual assault, emasculation, or rape, all committed by a girlfriend, wife or fiancee in a relationship with a male. Women may also engage in more subtle, but still damaging, domestic violence against men by treating sex as a weapon or bartering chip, and attempting to manipulate and control their male partner with it.

Statistics
Very little is known about the actual number of men who are in a domestic relationship in which they are abused or treated violently by women. This is due in large part to the fact that far fewer instances of abuse committed against men are reported than those against women, and that the problem of abuse against men is far larger than the available data would seem to indicate.[1] However, the available data do indicate that:

3.2 million men experience "minor" abuse (such as "pushing, grabbing, shoving, slapping, and hitting") per year.
In the United States, approximately 800,000 men per year (3.2%) are raped or physically assaulted by their partner.
At least 371,000 men are stalked by their partner every year.
3% of nonfatal violence against men stems from domestic violence.
In 2002, men comprised 24% of domestic violence homicide victims.
Over 20 years, the instances of homicide from domestic violence against men decreased by approximately 67%.
Approximately 22% of men have experienced "physical, sexual, or psychological" abuse during their life.

Why do we know so little?
There are many reasons why we don't know more about domestic abuse and violence against men. First of all, the reported incidence of domestic violence against men appears to be so low that it is hard to get reliable estimates. In addition, it has taken years of advocacy and support to encourage women to report domestic violence. Virtually nothing has been done to encourage men to report abuse. The idea that men could be victims of domestic abuse and violence is so unthinkable that many men will not even attempt to report the situation.

The dynamic of domestic abuse and violence is also different between men and women. The reasons, purposes and motivations are often very different between sexes. Although the counseling and psychological community have responded to domestic abuse and violence against women, there has been very little investment in resources to address and understand the issues of domestic abuse and violence against men. In most cases, the actual physical damage inflicted by men is so much greater than the actual physical harm inflected by women. The impact of domestic violence is less apparent and less likely to come to the attention of others when men are abused. For example, it is assumed than a man with a bruise or black eye was in a fight with another man or was injured on the job or playing contact sports. Even when men do report domestic abuse and violence, most people are so astonished men usually end up feeling like nobody believes them.

Characteristics of women who are abusive and violent
The characteristics of men or women who are abusive fall into three categories.

Alcohol Abuse. Alcohol abuse is a major cause and trigger in domestic violence. People who are intoxicated have less impulse control, are easily frustrated, have greater misunderstandings and are generally prone to resort to violence as a solution to problems. Women who abuse men are frequently alcoholics.
Psychological Disorders. There are certain psychological problems, primarily personality disorders, in which women are characteristically abusive and violent toward men. Borderline personality disorder is a diagnosis that is found almost exclusively with women. Approximately 1 to 2 percent of all women have a Borderline Personality disorder. At least 50% of all domestic abuse and violence against men is associated with woman who have a Borderline Personality disorder. [citation needed] The disorder is also associated with suicidal behavior, severe mood swings, lying, sexual problems and alcohol abuse.
Unrealistic expectations, assumptions and conclusions. Women who are abusive toward men usually have unrealistic expectations and make unrealistic demands of men. These women will typically experience repeated episodes of depression, anxiety, frustration and irritability which they attribute to a man's behavior. In fact, their mental and emotional state is the result of their own insecurities, emotional problems, trauma during childhood or even withdrawal from alcohol. They blame men rather than admit their problems, take responsibility for how they live their lives or do something about how they make themselves miserable. They refuse to enter treatment and may even insist the man needs treatment. Instead of helping themselves, they blame a man for how they feel and believe that a man should do something to make them feel better. They will often medicate their emotions with alcohol. When men can't make them feel better, these women become frustrated and assume that men are doing this on purpose.

Why do men stay in abusive and violent relationships?
Men stay in abusive and violent relationships for many different reasons. The following is a brief list of the primary reasons. [citation needed]

Protecting Their Children. Abused men are afraid to leave their children alone with an abusive woman. They are afraid that if they leave they will never be allowed to see their children again. The man is afraid the woman will tell his children he is a bad person or that he doesn't love them.
Assuming Blame (Guilt Prone). Many abused men believe it is their fault or feel they deserve the treatment they receive. They assume blame for events that other people would not. They feel responsible and have an unrealistic belief that they can and should do something that will make things better.
Dependency (or Fear of Independence). The abused man is mentally, emotionally or financially dependent on the abusive woman. The idea of leaving the relationship creates significant feelings of depression or anxiety. They are "addicted" to each other.

 

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Violence against women

Violence against women (VAW) is a term of art used to collectively refer to violent acts that are primarily or exclusively committed against females. Similar to a hate crime, this type of violence targets a specific group with the victim's gender as a primary motive. The United Nations General Assembly defines "violence against women" as "any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life." The 1993 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women noted that this violence could be perpetrated by assailants of either gender, family members and even the "State" itself. [1]. Worldwide governments and organizations actively work to combat violence against women through a variety of programs. A UN resolution designated November 25th as International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women.

History of violence against women
Some experts believe that the history of violence against women is tied to the history of women being viewed as property and a gender role assigned to be subservient to men and also other women. [3]. Feminist groups have contended that the advancement of women in society will curb the prevalance of violence against them.

Female-on-female violence
Very little research has been done into female-on-female lesbian relationship violence, so reliable source information is hard to come by. However, women have the capacity to be just as violent as men, so this form of violence could easily occur in lesbian relationships.

Types of violence
Studies have shown that violence is not always perpetrated as a form of physical violence but can also be psychological and verbal.Women are more likely to be victimized by someone that they are intimate with, commonly called "Intimate Partner Violence" or (IPV). Instances of IPV tend not to be reported to police and thus many experts believe that the true magnitude of the problem is hard to estimate.

 

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Sexual harassment is harassment or unwelcome attention of a sexual nature. It includes a range of behavior from mild transgressions and annoyances to serious abuses which can even involve forced sexual activity. (Dziech et al 1990, Boland 2002) Sexual harassment is considered a form of illegal discrimination, and is a form of abuse (sexual and psychological) and bullying.

It has been suggested that the term "sexual harassment" was coined in 1974 at Cornell University, (Patai, pp. 17-19), however, it was the United States Supreme Court confirmation hearing of Clarence Thomas, and Anita Hill's testimony, that brought the issue to national attention in the U.S. For many businesses, preventing sexual harassment, and defending its managerial employees from sexual harassment charges, have become key goals of legal decision-making. In contrast, many scholars complain that sexual harassment in education remains a "forgotten secret," with educators and administrators refusing to admit the problem exists in their schools, or accept their legal and ethical responsibilities to deal with it. (Dziech, 1990)

Sexual harassment in the workplace
Approximately 15,000 sexual harassment cases are brought to the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) each year. Media and government surveys estimate the percentage of women being sexually harassed in the U.S. workplace at 40% to 60%. The European Women's Lobby reports that between 40 and 50 % of female employees have experienced some form of sexual harassment or unwanted sexual behavior in the workplace. While the majority of sexual harassment complaints come from women, the number of complaints filed by men is rapidly increasing. In 2004, over 15% of EEOC complaints were filed by men with 11% of claims involving men filing against female supervisors. A 2006 government study in the United Kingdom revealed that 2 out of 5 sexual harassment victims in the UK are male, with 8% percent of all sexual harassment complaints to the Equal Opportunities Commission (Britain's EEOC), coming from men. 'It affects both women and men, causing stress, health problems and financial penalties when they leave their jobs to avoid it,' said Jenny Watson, chair of the EOC.

Sexual harassment in education
A 2002 study of students in the 8th through the 11th grade by the American Association of University Women (AAUW) revealed that 78% of girls have been sexually harassed, and 83% of boys have been sexually harassed. [5]In their 2006 study on sexual harassment at colleges and universities, the AAUW reported that 62% of female college students and 61% of male college students report having been sexually harassed at their university, with 80% of the reported harassment being peer-to-peer. Fifty-one percent of male college students admit to sexually harassing someone in college, with 22% admitting to harassing someone often or occasionally. Thirty-one percent of female college students admitted to harassing someone in college. (AAUW 2002, 2006) In a 2000 national survey conducted for the AAUW, it was reported that roughly 290,000 students experienced some sort of physicalsexual abuse or harassment by a public school employee, such as a teacher or coach, between 1991 and 2000. In a major 2004 study commissioned by the U.S. Department of Education, nearly 10 percent of U.S. public school students were shown to have been targeted with unwanted sexual attention by school employees. In their 2002 study, the AAUW reported that 38% percent of the students were sexually harassed by teachers or school employees.

However, it is important to acknowledge that statistics do not give a complete picture of the pervasiveness of the problem as most sexual harassment situations go unreported. (Boland 2002, Dzeich 1990)


Varied circumstances
Sexual harassment can occur in a variety of circumstances:

The harasser can be anyone, such as a supervisor, a client, a co-worker, a teacher or professor, a student, a friend, or a stranger.
The victim does not have to be the person directly harassed but can be anyone who finds the behavior offensive and is affected by it.
While adverse effects on the victim are common, this does not have to be the case for the behavior to be unlawful.
The victim can be male or female. The harasser can be male or female.
The harasser does not have to be of the opposite sex.
The harasser may be completely unaware that his or her behavior is offensive or constitutes sexual harassment or may be completely unaware that his or her actions could be unlawful.

Behavioral classes
Dzeich (Dzeich et al 1990) has divided harassers into two broad classes: public and private. Public harassers are flagrant in their seductive or sexist attitudes towards colleagues, subordinates, students, etc. Private harassers carefully cultivate a restrained and respectable image on the surface, but when alone with their target, their demeanor changes completely.

Langelan describes three different classes of harassers. First there is the predatory harasser who gets sexual thrills from humiliating others. This harasser may may become involved in sexual extortion, and may frequently harass just to see how targets respond--those who don't resist may even become targets for rape. Next, there is the dominance harasser, the most common type, who engages in harassing behaviour as an ego boost. Third are strategic or territorial harassers, who seek to maintain privilege in jobs or physical locations, for example a man's harassing female employees in a predominantly male occupation. (Langelan, 1993)

Attorney Mary Jo McGrath describes "The Winner" as a common profile that confuses harassment victims and others in the community because they do not seem like the type who would need to abuse anyone. An adult male harasser is often middle aged, married with children, a churchgoer, and someone who is highly respected in the community. A teacher who sexually harasses students may have been named "Teacher of the Year" or be Chair of their department. A young harasser may be captain of the football team, an honor student sure to attend an ivy league school, or some other young person who thinks they have everything going for him or her (and so does everyone else). She writes that sexual harassment and abuse "are acts of violence and domination, not sensuality and flirtation. These acts are calculated to dominate and control, not enhance the enjoyment and safety of the targeted person....The violator may be very high functioning in all other areas of his or her life, but is driven within this realm to act out needs inappropriately." [10]

Brian Martin, an Australian associate professor of Science, Technology and Society writes "Most harassers don't try to justify their behaviour; they don't think about it. If asked, they may say they are just having fun and don't cause any harm. A few, though, consciously seek to humiliate their victims."


Types of harassment
This list below is based on categories defined by Dzeich (Dzeich et al,1990) and Truida Prekel[12], a South African management consultant. There is usually more than one type of harassing behavior present (Boland 2002), so a single harasser will often fit more than one category. These are brief summations of each type. For a more in depth discussion on patterns and types of harassment, see Sexual Harassers (Please note, these are not legal definitions; burdens of proof must comply with the guidelines described by the government.)

The Power-player Legally termed "quid pro quo" harassment, the harasser insists on sexual favors in exchange for benefits they can dispense because of their position in the hierarchy: getting or keeping a job, favorable grades, recommendations, credentials, projects, promotion, orders, and other types of opportunities.

The Mother/Father Figure (a.k.a. The Counselor-Helper) This harasser will try to create a mentor-like relationship with their target, all the while masking their sexual intentions with pretenses towards personal, professional, or academic attention. This is a common method of teachers who sexually harass students. (For a good example, see Naomi Wolf's article, The Silent Treatment )

One-of-the-gang Often motivated by bravado or competition, or because the harasser/s think it is funny (AAUW 2006), One-of-the-gang harassment occurs when groups of men or women embarrass others with lewd comments, physical evaluations, or other unwanted sexual attention. Harassers may act individually in order to belong or impress the others, or groups may gang up on a particular target. An extreme example is Tailhook '91 during which participants sexual abused 7 men and 83 women as part of a 3-day aviator convention.[13]

The Serial Harasser This type carefully builds up an image so that people would find it hard to believe they would do anyone any harm. They plan their approach carefully, and strike in private so that it is their word against that of the victim.

The Groper Whenever the opportunity presents itself, this harasser's eyes and hands begin to wander--in the elevator, when working late, at the office or department party. They like to insist on (usually begrudged) kisses or hugs. (Called chikan in Japan, the problem is so pervasive there that men are increasingly being banned altogether from stores, restaurants, hotels, spas and even entertainment outlets, and "Women Only" train cars have been created.[14][15])

The Opportunist The Opportunist uses physical settings and circumstances, or infrequently occurring opportunities, to mask premeditated or intentional sexual behavior towards a target. This will often involve changing the environment in order to minimize inhibitory effects of the workplace or school(e.g private meetings, one-on-one "instruction," field trips, conferences)

The Bully In this case, sexual harassment is used to punish the victim for some transgression, such as rejection of the harasser's interest or advances, or making the harasser feel insecure about themselves or their abilities. The Bully uses sexual harassment to put the victim in his or her "proper place.”

The Confidante This type of harasser approaches the subordinate, or student, as an equal or a friend, sharing about their own life experiences and difficulties, unventing stories to win admiration and sympathy, and inviting the subordinate to share theirs so as to make them feel valued and trusted. Soon the relationship moves into an intimate domain from which the subordinate finds it difficult to separate from.

The Situational Harasser Harassing behavior begins when the perpetrator endures a traumatic event, or begins to experience very stressful life situations, such as psychological or medical problems, marital problems, or divorce. The harassment will usually stop if the situation changes, or the pressures are removed.

The Pest This is the stereotypical "won't take 'no' for an answer" harasser who persists in hounding a target for attention and dates even after persistent rejections. This behavior is usually misguided, with no malicious intent.

The Great Gallant This mostly verbal harassment involves excessive compliments and personal comments that focus on appearance and gender, and are out of place or embarrassing to the recipient. Such comments are sometimes accompanied by leering looks. The "catcalls" of a street harasser are one example of this.

The Intellectual Seducer Most often found in educational settings, this harasser will try to use their knowledge and skills as an avenue to gaining access to a student, or information about a student, for sexual purposes. They may require students participate in exercises or "studies" that reveal information about their sexual experiences, preferences, and habits. They may use their skills, knowledge, and course content to impress a student as an avenue to harassing or seducing a student.

The Incompetent These are socially inept individuals who desire the attentions of their target, who does not reciprocate these feelings. They may display a sense of entitlement, believing their target should feel flattered by their attentions. When rejected, this type of harasser may use bullying methods as a form of revenge.

Stalking can also be a method of sexual harassment.



Sexualized environments (aka environmental harassment)
Sexualized environments are environments where obscenities, sexual joking, sexually explicit graffiti, viewing Internet pornography, sexually degrading posters and objects, etc., are common. None of these behaviors or objects may necessarily be directed at anyone in particular. However, they can create an offensive environment, and one that is consistent with “hostile environment sexual harassment." For example, in the case of Morse v. Future Reality Ltd. in the United Kingdom(1996), the female complainant was awarded compensation after her superiors ignored her complaint that her office mates spent much time studying sexually explicit images downloaded from the Internet, and creating a “general atmosphere of obscenity” in the office.[16] Sexualized environments have also been shown to create atmospheres that encourage more serious and direct sexual harassment. For example, when obscenities are common in the workplace, women are 3 times more likely to be treated as sex objects, and be directly sexually harassed than in environments where profanity is not tolerated. And when sexual joking is common, sexual harassment is 3 to 7 times more likely. (Boland, 2002)



Common effects on the victims
Common professional, academic, financial, and social effects of sexual harassment:

Decreased work or school performance; increased absenteeism
Loss of job or career, loss of income
Having to drop courses, change academic plans, or leave school (loss of tuition)
Having one's personal life offered up for public scrutiny --the victim becomes the "accused," and his or her dress, lifestyle, and private life will often come under attack. (Note: this rarely occurs for the perpetrator.)
Being objectified and humiliated by scrutiny and gossip
Becoming publicly sexualized (i.e. groups of people "evaluate" the victim to establish if they are "worth" the sexual attention or the risk to the harasser's career)
Defamation of character and reputation
Loss of trust in environments similar to where the harassment occurred
Loss of trust in the types of people that occupy similar positions as the harasser or their colleagues
Extreme stress upon relationships with significant others, sometimes resulting in divorce; extreme stress on peer relationships, or relationships with colleagues
Weakening of support network, or being ostracized from professional or academic circles (friends, colleagues, or family may distance themselves from the victim, or shun them altogether)
Having to relocate to another city, another job, or another school
Loss of references/recommendations
Some of the psychological and health effects that can occur in someone who has been sexually harassed: depression, anxiety and/or panic attacks, sleeplessness and/or nightmares, shame and guilt, difficulty concentrating, headaches, fatigue or loss of motivation, stomach problems, eating disorders (weight loss or gain), feeling betrayed and/or violated, feeling angry or violent towards the perpetrator, feeling powerless or out of control, increased blood pressure, loss of confidence and self esteem, withdrawal and isolation, overall loss of trust in people, traumatic stress, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), complex post-traumatic stress disorder, suicidal thoughts or attempts, suicide


Effects of sexual harassment on organizations
Decreased productivity and increased team conflict
Decrease in success at meeting financial goals (because of team conflict)
Decreased job satisfaction
Loss of staff and expertise from resignations to avoid harassment or resignations/firings of alleged harassers; loss of students who leave school to avoid harassment
Decreased productivity and/or increased absenteeism by staff or students experiencing harassment
Increased health care costs and sick pay costs because of the health consequences of harassment
The knowledge that harassment is permitted can undermine ethical standards and discipline in the organization in general, as staff and/or students lose respect for, and trust in, their seniors who indulge in, or turn a blind eye to, sexual harassment
If the problem is ignored, a company’s or school's image can suffer
Legal costs if the problem is ignored and complainants take the issue to court

 

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Common law
In the common law of the United Kingdom, Australia and the United States, rape traditionally describes the act of a man who forces a woman to have sexual intercourse with him, or a female that forces a male to havesexual intercourse with him. Until the late 20th Century, a husband forcing sex on his wife or a wife forcing sex on her husband was not considered "rape", since the woman or man (for certain purposes) was not considered a separate legal person with the right of refusal, or sometimes was deemed to have given advanced consent to a life-long sexual relationship through the wedding vows. However, most Western common-law countries, as well as civil-law countries, have now legislated against this exception. They now include spousal rape (vaginal intercourse), and acts of sexual violence, such as forced anal intercourse which were traditionally barred under sodomy laws, in their definitions of "rape". The term "rape" is sometimes considered "loaded", and many jurisdictions recognize broader categories of sexual assault or sexual battery instead.

There is a clear mens rea element in the law regarding rape i.e. the accused must be aware that the victim is not consenting or might not be consenting. However, different jurisdictions vary in how they place the onus of proof with regards to belief of consent.

Under English law, until May 2005, a "genuine" belief that the victim was consenting, even if unreasonable, was sufficient. The law was changed so that belief of consent is now only a defense if the belief is both genuine and reasonable.


English law
Under the Sexual Offences Act 2003, which came into force on May 1, 2004, rape in England and Wales was redefined from non-consensual vaginal or anal intercourse, and is now defined as non-consensual penis penetration of the vagina, anus or mouth of another person, or the forcing of a penis into a vagina by a female (female-male rape). The maximum sentence of life imprisonment was maintained under the new Act. It also altered the requirements of the defence of mistaken belief in consent so that one's belief must be now both genuine and reasonable (see above under common law). Presumptions against that belief being reasonably held also now apply when violence is used or feared, the complainant is unconscious, unlawfully detained, drugged, or is by reason of disability unable to communicate a lack of consent.

Any consent of the complainant is of no relevance if he or she is under the age of thirteen.

A woman who forces a man to have sex can be prosecuted for rape under English law and if she helps a man commit a rape she can be prosecuted for the crime. A woman can also be prosecuted for causing a man to engage in sexual activity without his consent, a crime which also carries a maximum life sentence if it involves penetration of the mouth, anus or vagina. The statute introduces a new sexual crime, "assault by penetration", with the same punishment as rape. It is committed when someone sexually penetrates the anus or vagina with a part of his or her body, or with an object, without that person's consent.

 

[sakuraguy]

Street harassment, also known as catcalling, is a form of sexual harassment that takes place in public spaces, oftentimes in urban areas. Street harassment is usually harassment of women by men, but the reverse does also occur.

In the United States, the most common forms of street harassment include: making sexually explicit comments or noises [citation needed]

Although every incident of street harassment is unique, in descriptions from victims, a number of common themes recur. The "typical" pattern of events goes as follows:

The victim is in a public place. The victim is not engaging in any activity that could reasonably be construed as an attempt to attract attention. The harasser is alone or in the company of other person. The harasser tries to engage the attention of the victim in some way (for example by staring, whistling, shouting, or beeping the horn of a vehicle) The harasser may follow with an offensive comment, addressed directly to the victim or to other people but within earshot of the victim. The victim's reaction, which will vary depending on circumstances, will not be positive. The harasser may continue or escalate the inappropriate behaviour despite the lack of encouragement or express disapproval of the victim.


Defense
People who perform "street harassment" may attempt to defend their behavior by blaming the harassment target.


Resistance
Over time, initiatives such as Firegrl, The Street Harassment Project, and HollabackNYC have developed to call attention to and combat street harassment.

With the advent of Internet and cameraphone technology, photographing and disseminating pictures of street harassers has emerged as one popular intervention. In the summer of 2005, Thao Nguyen used her cell phone camera to photograph, a man who masturbated in front of her in a New York subway car. That photograph, which she posted online on a photoblog, was subsequently published by numerous New York daily newspapers and circulated on the Internet, ultimately shaming the man into turning himself in. Today, projects such as The Blank Noise Project and Hollaback make use of this strategy in combating street harassment.

 

[sakuraguy]

HAVE A GOOD READ, THANKS ....

 

[PocketRocket]

hmm...like someone i used to be close to

 

[SataniC]

lanneh...too many information to read at 2.40am...sakura had just raped my brain...diuz....

 

[sakuraguy]

haha.. SataniC .. sorry, maybe u can read in the evening .. dont be raped early monin' ;) Cheer!

 

[si|verfish]

sakuraguy; you should include/credit the source when you post stuff you dug out from somewhere else.

 

[sakuraguy]

Aiyo .. sori ar .. forgot .. next time i do :)

 

[si|verfish]

No probs, just a friendly suggestion.

 

[infernaL]

yeah , btw where the how-to section is missing LOL

 

[sakuraguy]

he he he .. "How To Rape?" ;)